When citizens and the media discuss President Joe Biden’s policies, they often gravitate to those regarding the economy, climate change, or, most recently, the coronavirus pandemic. How often do nuclear disarmament policies come up? Not often enough.
According to the Arms Control Association, the U.S. has an arsenal of around 5,800 nuclear weapons, Russia 6,375, China 320, and North Korea an estimated 30 to 40. Included in this stock are thermonuclear bombs, which release a hundred times more energy than the ones used in Hiroshima and Nagasaki at the end of World War II. If just one of these bombs were deployed, the effects on not just its target but the entire world would be catastrophic, perhaps even apocalyptic.
These statistics are frightening, especially since former President Donald Trump P’00 left the White House with “an unimpressive record on arms control,” according to Director of Brookings’ Arm Control Initiative Steven Pifer. For starters, Trump withdrew from the Iran nuclear deal in 2018. Soon after, tensions between the U.S. and Iran escalated as Iran steadily increased stockpiles of uranium, and the U.S. ordered a drone strike that assassinated Iranian Major General Qasem Soleimani.
Further, the former president withdrew from the Intermediate-Range Nuclear Forces Treaty in August 2019 — a 30-year-old treaty calling for the eradication of nuclear weapons systems that enabled countries to hit targets 500 to 5,500 kilometers away in under ten minutes. In November 2020, the U.S. also withdrew from the Open Skies Treaty, which was negotiated in the latter years of the Cold War, signed in 1992, and implemented in 2002. The treaty has played an important role in transatlantic relations by enabling countries to conduct unarmed reconnaissance flights over foreign territories, thereby increasing transparency of military activities.
These actions have jeopardized the future of nuclear disarmament, further exacerbating relations between the U.S. and other nuclear powers.
Nuclear disarmament requires a coordinated effort: no country will willingly reduce their weapons stockpiles if other nations will not do the same. Fortunately, the Biden administration has shown eagerness to collaborate with other nations and once again prioritize nuclear non-proliferation.
During his first weeks in office, Biden has made significant steps. For one, just days before the expiration of the New Strategic Arms Reduction Treaty (New START), Biden asked the Russian government for a five-year extension. The New START treaty calls for the U.S. and Russia to reduce their nuclear delivery vehicles and to increase transparency to support efforts toward complete disarmament. Russia accepted President Biden’s request.
President Biden also appointed Rob Malley, a key figure in the development of the Iran nuclear deal, to his administration. Mr. Malley’s role as the U.S. special envoy for Iran symbolizes a new era for U.S.–Iran relations. This demonstrates President Biden’s eagerness to renew discussions with Iran; we can expect him to rejoin the Iran nuclear deal or potentially form a new agreement.
These actions are certainly steps in the right direction, but I am anxious to see if the Biden administration continues to prioritize nuclear disarmament. In particular, I would like to see President Biden make an effort to repeal or amend Cold War-era policies that prevent a transition to a nuclear weapons–free world.
These outdated policies include the authority of the president to launch any nuclear weapons and the right of the U.S. to initiate a nuclear war. These policies present a major threat to the livelihood of billions. Allowing any single person to launch a nuclear weapon on their own is alarming, and the U.S. should set an international standard by promising to not begin a nuclear war. Dismantling these Cold War policies will be a challenge, but I hope there is at least discussion on the topic.
More broadly, I am eager to see the U.S. engage in international discourse with Iran, Russia, North Korea, China, and other nuclear states. This might be my inner Model U.N.-er coming out, but I believe that these interactions are essential. The Trump administration placed foreign relations on the back burner. If the U.S. is to address nuclear proliferation, it must be willing to work with other nations to make compromises that promote global peace and security.
